Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 8 May 2024

This debate is an opportunity for us to step away from the day-to-day arguments that dominate our discussions in Europe and a challenge to each of us to reflect on the overall importance of the European Union to promoting or sovereignty, culture and economy. By every significant measure, membership of the European Union is essential for Ireland. Membership not only matters for Ireland but also delivers for Ireland. The greatest beneficiaries by far have been communities and workers throughout our country who have access to jobs and opportunities that would be impossible without our membership of a strong European Union.

Europe is not "them"; Europe is "us". It is a democratic community of nations that allows space for people to disagree. We all get our say in the formation of policy. We do not get to win every debate. There is nothing democratic about demanding to have 100% of our policies adopted. However, Ireland has consistently got dramatically more out of its approach to membership by building and sustaining a situation where other countries know we are acting in good faith and that we want an effective European Union that works for all.

Frankly, we have too much of the cynical politics of attacking everything and refusing to acknowledge any positives. Time after time, we hear loud denunciations of the European Union and every mistake it makes. Any organisation made up of humans will make mistakes. However, people claim those mistakes are the end of particular communities or countries. There is a deep and profound unwillingness to acknowledge the vital national benefits that depend on us being positive, active and constructive members of the European Union. Too often, these debates involve the centrist parties pointing to the undeniable facts of positive benefits of Europe for Ireland, and the left and right refusing to acknowledge anything positive. One of the biggest mistakes pro-Europe parties can make is to simply ignore the Eurosceptics and allow their attacks to go unanswered. Much more should be done to challenge the false idea that sovereignty and European actions are incompatible. It is a simple statement of historical fact that the last major act of the great generation who fought for and won our independence was to set us on the course of membership of the now European Union.

As a teenager, Seán Lemass had fought in the GPO in 1916. He had seen friends and family die in terrible circumstances during both the War of Independence and Civil War. When the fighting was done, he believed the duty of every Irish person was to work to try to build a modern and successful country. As early as the late 1920s, he wrote about the idea that systematic, rules-based co-operation with other European countries could be the only effective way to secure peace, prosperity and sovereignty for European states, large and small. His decision as Taoiseach to commit Ireland to a European future is the foundation upon which we have achieved dramatic and sustained progress in employment, standards of living, education levels and our ability to be heard in the international community. Our membership of the European Union is today, as it has always been, about securing our sovereignty and prosperity and yet, at every stage of our seeking to build this European future we have, there has been a relentless drumbeat from the right and the left attacking everything, refusing to acknowledge any progress and demanding that Ireland take a more anti-European Union position. No cause has been more consistently and overwhelmingly wrong than the cause of anti-European Union forces on the right and left.

I recently reread an account of the debate about Ireland's decision to join the European Economic Community just over 50 years ago. It is a remarkable testament to the resilience of ideology that the arguments being made against the European Union are almost unchanged. They reappear during every referendum and every major policy debate. The main non-party campaign called itself the Common Market Research Group, remarkably similar to the European Research Group in London, which has pushed an extreme anti-EU agenda in the British Parliament.

In 1972, we were told that Europe would turn the island into a barren wasteland and a nuclear base and end our sovereignty. In 1972, the party now known as Sinn Féin had been recently formed and the very first policy position it adopted, other than its support for the Provisional IRA, was its opposition to joining the now European Union. When the membership referendum was passed overwhelmingly by the Irish people, the party announced it was the end of Ireland as an independent State, the end of neutrality and the beginning of our economic disappearance. This approach has been softened in terms of adding in reassuring comments that accept that Ireland is an EU member. Euroscepticism is not a side issue for Sinn Féin, however. It is in its founding DNA. If we look at the party's most recent manifesto, we find the statement, "It is time to end the Brussels power grab, to reign in the Commission, and return powers to the member states." These are words to warm the heart of Nigel Farage. They promote a false view of the Union and Ireland's relationship with it. To be fair to other elements of the far left, they at least do not try to deliver reassuring speeches covering up their anti-European Union beliefs.

When People Before Profit supported Brexit in Northern Ireland but came into this House demanding that Brexit have no impact on the island, it showed just how cynical it too can be.

When we look honestly at the situation today, it is absolutely wrong to say there is a broad consensus in Irish politics about EU membership. There is certainly a broad consensus among the Irish people - this has been reflected time and again in many ways - but that is not reflected here in Dáil Éireann or, unfortunately, in our delegation to the European Parliament, which contains some of the most stridently anti-European Union voices from any country. Our national delegation is split between MEPs who work constructively to try to influence policies and those who align themselves with the most extreme anti-European Union and destructive voices. The records of the Parliament show our four members of the extreme-left group are dramatically less effective at influencing votes, contenting themselves with delivering short attacks on everyone else and proposing amendments that attract no support. The records also shamefully show these Irish MEPs are the least likely to ever speak up against dictatorships and in defence of democratic values.

In the past, these European elections have been relatively low risk, treated by many as an opportunity to hear from a colourful group of individuals in the expectation they could not do much harm if elected, yet no one today can deny the many deep threats to the European Union, such as the threat from external forces that want to destroy it as a voice for democracy, the threat from extremists of the right and left who want to return to ideologies and conflicts of the past century, the threat from an unstable world economy, the threat from an existential climate crisis and the need to protect our communities.

Founded in the aftermath of the devastation of the Second World War, the European Union was conceived as a peace project. John Hume, one of our greatest statesmen, saw in the European Union a model and vision for how a lasting peace could be built. In that spirit, over decades, the European Union has provided strong and steadfast support to peace and reconciliation on this island. We should never forget that in 1972, when the European Communities opened the door to Ireland and the United Kingdom, it was the very worst year of violence in Northern Ireland, with nearly 500 men, women and children killed in a single year. In 1998, the Good Friday Agreement, the foundation for peace in Northern Ireland, brought an end to more than 30 years of violent conflict.

In the 26 years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, our European Union partners have been steadfast in their support, contributing enormously to realising the objectives and commitments set out in the agreement and the wider dividends of peace. They have consistently demonstrated the value they place on the process of peace and reconciliation on this island, showing extraordinary solidarity with Ireland as we have navigated the challenges created by the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union. The European Union we see is the embodiment of the idea that our differences can be resolved through peaceful co-operation and negotiation and that the collective security of the peoples, nations, religions and traditions in Europe can be guaranteed by the consolidation of democracy, the primacy of the rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Tragically, today, Putin's Russia is seeking to return to an era in which European borders are drawn by force instead of by diplomacy and democracy. In the face of that aggression, Ukraine's resolve is undiminished. This is an inspiring testament to the unwavering spirit of a nation determined to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity while upholding the principles of freedom and democracy. It is also a testament to the strength of the European Union's values. As Ukraine heads into a challenging period, it is more important than ever that we continue to stand together with our EU and international partners to support Ukraine by whatever means possible for as long as it takes. Through a broad range of measures, including massive financial support and an aggressive regime of sanctions, the European Union has demonstrated its steadfast commitment to standing with Ukraine, and Ireland is proud to contribute to this endeavour. The Ukrainian people are fighting not just for their country but for our shared values of freedom and democracy. Ireland strongly believes Ukraine's future lies within the European Union and we will continue to support Ukraine on its European path.

We are also witnessing an horrific war on Europe's southern borders, where the situation in Gaza continues to grow more dire with each passing day. The heinous terrorist attacks of 7 October by Hamas and the ensuing war on Gaza by Israel have caused unimaginable suffering for civilians. We have condemned the bombardment of Gaza. We need a ceasefire, humanitarian access and the unconditional release of hostages now. Ireland has been at the forefront of shaping discussions within the European Union on this conflict. At the monthly meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council, including at the most recent meeting in Luxembourg, I have repeatedly stressed the need for the European Union response to evolve. Ireland specifically pushed for political agreement on sanctions on violent settlers in the West Bank, continued funding for UNRWA and support for a two-state solution, including through recognition of a Palestinian state. I was pleased to see the decision by the European Commission to release €50 million in funding for UNRWA, with a further €32 million to follow, and to increase its overall humanitarian aid for Palestinians in 2024. I also welcomed the adoption on 19 March of EU sanctions against violent Israeli settlers in the West Bank. The European Union has a long-standing commitment to the two-state solution and has invested enormously over decades, in political and financial terms, in its pursuit. We will continue to push for an ambitious European contribution towards the achievement of a sustainable and peaceful resolution to the conflict, guided by those same principles of consolidation of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Our progress and well-being as a nation are inextricably linked to a strong, confident and resilient Union. Europe matters, and today is an opportunity to celebrate our Europeanness alongside our Irishness, neither one diluted by the other.

It is a particular honour to contribute as Taoiseach to this year's Dáil statements marking Europe Day. It is a timely opportunity to reflect on our EU membership and on the European Union's role in the world. Ireland's EU membership over more than five decades has brought many benefits. It offers freedom for our citizens to live, work or study throughout Europe. It provides access for our businesses and farmers to the Single Market. It has extended higher social, environmental and consumer standards for our citizens. As a small country, we have also contributed positively to the development of our common home, and Ireland has played and continues to play a constructive role on the shared issues of importance for people in Ireland and citizens right across Europe.

This House will be aware 2024 is an important election year, when billions of people across the globe will be heading to the polls. The European Parliament elections being held in Europe’s 27 member states next month will be the tenth since the first such direct elections in 1979. They represent our collective commitment to the vindication of democracy and democratic values, when this has arguably never been more important. Europe is facing a profound moment in its history. The war in Ukraine has made us all reflect on the dangers and fragility of the world in which we live. A large-scale war on our doorstep is something many of us thought we would never see in our lifetimes. As Jean Monnet wrote, “Europe will be forged in crises, and will be the sum of the solutions adopted for those crises.” The European Union’s effectiveness and resilience have been tested through the many crises of recent years, but the EU has acted collectively and decisively in supporting Ukraine and responding to the energy and inflationary shocks. In the face of the Covid pandemic, we jointly procured vaccines and life-saving equipment to the benefit of all our citizens. The EU played an effective global leadership role on climate action, without which we cannot protect our planet. We all now face the challenge of migration, and we need to work together to better manage and co-ordinate migration policy at a European Union level.

We cannot take our Union for granted. It must be nurtured and protected and it must evolve and renew in the face of new challenges. The European Union has come a long way since a small group of countries, weary from years of war, committed to peace and prosperity by joining together in a shared community. Ireland was part of the first wave of EU enlargement, joining 12 years after we had first applied. Last week, at Farmleigh House, I had the honour of marking the 20th anniversary of the EU’s single biggest enlargement, the Day of Welcomes, when ten countries became member states during the Irish Presidency of the Council of the EU on 1 May 2004. We are proud of the role we played then, and we are keen to continue to be champions for EU enlargement.

As it has proved for all member states, EU membership transformed our economy and society. There is no doubt in my mind that every European country deserves the same opportunity, providing, of course, that they meet the necessary criteria. I welcome the steps we have taken in the past two years to put Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia onto an EU path and to advance the candidacies of Albania, North Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. This is positive momentum, which I hope will continue to gather pace. Recent events in Georgia are of concern. As an EU candidate, Georgia is expected to adhere to the principles of democracy, the rule of law and human rights. The people of Georgia are demonstrating their commitment to democracy, to our shared values and to Georgia’s path towards the European Union. I am convinced further enlargement of the EU is a vital tool to ensure security, both in the EU and in the wider world. For the good of both our Union and new member states, EU accession is an exacting process. Candidate countries must show evidence they are ready to assume the rigours of EU membership, and member states have an obligation to support them in implementing reforms.

Ireland will soon open new embassies, further underlining our belief in the power of enlargement and the role we must play in supporting it. I have no doubt that the current batch of candidate countries will ultimately strengthen our Union and I look forward to welcoming them to our European Union family.

Ireland is a strong advocate for Ukraine’s EU perspective. Ukraine’s future is in Europe. Progressing work on EU accession sends an important signal of hope for a brighter future to the Ukrainian people. EU membership is also the best way to guarantee Ukraine’s future security. As we speak today, the situation on the ground in Ukraine is of grave concern. Russia is escalating its military aggression, attacking cities and civilian infrastructure, and there is an urgent need to provide Ukraine with the support it needs. I spoke with President Zelenskyy in my first full day in office to convey to him the message that this Government and this country stands with Ukraine and that we are fully committed to ensuring Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence are upheld. The brave people of Ukraine are not only defending their own country; they are defending shared values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law, values that are crucial to Europe and Ireland’s future. It is therefore right that the European Council continues to make clear that the EU will stand with Ukraine for however long it takes.

The EU’s support is not just words. Since February 2022, the European Union has provided unprecedented political, financial, humanitarian, military and diplomatic assistance. At April’s special meeting of the European Council, leaders emphasised the need to provide air defence to Ukraine and to speed up the delivery of assistance. The provision of humanitarian and civil protection assistance, such as generators and power transformers, will also be intensified. Ireland strongly supported the agreement in February on a €50 billion Ukraine facility, which puts EU financial assistance for Ukraine on a more sustainable and predictable basis.

Ireland and the EU will continue to advocate for President’s Zelenskyy’s ten-point peace formula, which seeks a just and lasting peace based on the principles of the UN Charter and respects Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. I look forward to working with our partners across the world to advance this peace plan ahead of the high-level peace conference to be held in Switzerland on 15 and 16 June.

When we consider the devastating conflict in the Middle East and the truly dire humanitarian situation in Gaza, it is clear that this has tested the European Union and our unity. Consensus has been much more challenging to find among EU member states. States have differing perspectives, many of which may be linked to historical experiences. The lack of consensus has, unfortunately, undermined the EU’s credibility internationally - we need to be clear about that - as we urge others around the world, particularly in the global south, to support Ukraine. Ireland has been working hard within the Union to find consensus and it is very welcome that, at April’s meeting of the European Council, EU leaders called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. I have many times condemned the atrocity Hamas committed on 7 October, and I do so again. We also condemned Iran’s attack on Israel and agreed to impose further sanctions on Iran. I continue to call on all parties to show maximum restraint. Any further escalation will have catastrophic consequences for millions of civilians. That includes those in Gaza. I call again on the Israeli Government not to mount a military operation in Rafah. The humanitarian impact would be catastrophic and would be a serious escalation of an already highly volatile situation.

There must be an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages, and a massive and sustained surge in humanitarian aid into Gaza. Israel must immediately facilitate full, rapid, safe and unhindered humanitarian access into and throughout the Gaza strip, in particular by road. This is clearly Israel’s responsibility under international humanitarian law. It is our view that the International Court of Justice has effectively ordered Israel to assist in the distribution of aid. The ICJ’s orders are binding and we call on Israel to implement them.

The European Union has also been very clear that a political process, based on the two-state solution, is the only way to deliver a just and lasting peace, with the State of Israel living in security and peace with the state of Palestine. It is the Government’s view that recognition of Palestine can be an important lever in efforts to revive the peace process. Recognition should be done in a way that can have the most positive impact on the situation on the ground. Our assessment is that that time is coming much closer. A number of countries recognising a Palestinian state at the same time will give weight to that decision. The Government is co-ordinating our efforts towards recognition of a Palestinian state with like-minded countries, including Spain. I discussed this again with the Spanish Prime Minister on Monday and we have agreed to remain in close contact. It can be a really important moment for a number of countries in the European Union to speak with one voice.

I think we should also look at what we can do in terms of the Single Market and competitiveness because last year marked the 30th anniversary of the Single Market, which in so many ways opened the door to Ireland’s economic success. Now, there must be an opportunity to continue to see how we can further deepen the Single Market. At the European Council meeting in April, I advocated strongly for tangible actions that could support deeper capital markets in the short term while cautioning against the overconcentration of EU capital markets in a small number of large financial centres.

Today, we recall the strength of Europe’s foundation, its enormous potential for positive influence in global affairs, and our steadfast commitment to its democratic ideal. Ireland is proud to be part of the European Union. It is built on a strong foundation of shared values and common purpose, rooted in freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Today, we celebrate that.

We mark the 74th anniversary of the signing of the Schuman Declaration, which revolutionised the political, economic and social landscape of Europe. When Ireland joined on 1 January 1973, I was a baby. My colleague here, Deputy Carthy, was not even a twinkle in his mammy's eye. Both of us have grown up in a country that has known nothing other than to be part of what was an economic community and then a political union and so on.

There is no doubt that, today, Europe and the wider world again face a period of generational challenge. The recovery from the pandemic continues. Workers and families remain under significant pressure from an unprecedented cost-of-living crisis. The climate emergency presents a very real and present threat to our planet. Russia’s criminal invasion of Ukraine and Israel’s genocidal war on the people of Gaza have tested the EU's commitment to the principles of human rights, democracy, justice, self-determination and peace.

This is also a time for decisions, a time to make positive choices about the future. In just over four weeks' time, voters will go to the polls in the most important European Parliament elections for a generation. These elections can be a catalyst for real change in Ireland and right across Europe. Ireland is an ancient European nation. However, the European Union has often moved in the wrong direction with the wrong priorities, choosing militarisation over peace, privatisation over public services, big corporations over ordinary citizens and communities, and power over partnership. That is not how it should be, as there is a better way. These elections provide an opportunity for voters to drive a refocusing on the issues that really matter to ordinary citizens and communities, namely, workers’ rights, ambitious investment, economic justice, social progress, the advancement of human rights and the ending of war and poverty. We can build a social Europe where the interests of workers, families and communities come first, where the democratic deficit is truly confronted, and where the rights of smaller member states are recognised, protected and strengthened. This is how we enhance the democratic legitimacy of the European Union.

The future of Europe must be about real partnership, nurtured by respect for the independence and autonomy of member states in key areas. These elections provide voters with the opportunity to choose between MEPs who will either stand up for those elements and for Ireland or who will defer to the demands of the powerful in the European Union, between MEPs who will back policies from the EU when they are good for Ireland and for the world or who will automatically accept policies from the EU simply to be the best boys and girls in the class. This weak, dangerous and deferential approach from Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil makes European Commissioners believe that Ireland is a pushover. We saw this most strikingly in the attempts by Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to run roughshod over Ireland’s neutrality and the independence of our foreign policy when she gave unwavering support to Israel as it perpetrated slaughter and war crimes against Gaza. To be clear, she did not speak for the people of Ireland, and she never will. It is shameful that Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil MEPs will now line up to back her for a second term in office. Sinn Féin MEPs, if elected, would not.

The Government's attack on Ireland’s triple lock neutrality protection shows exactly where Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil MEPs will stand on our neutrality. The people of Ireland value our neutrality and Sinn Féin MEPs will defend it.

The unquestioning and deferential approach of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil is also at the root of the Government's total acceptance of the EU migration pact.

Discarding Ireland’s right to opt-out of parts of the pact is a bad decision. There are, of course, areas where co-operation is necessary, but throwing our immigration policies in with Brussels lock, stock and barrel is not in Ireland's best interests. Our immigration policies and system must be set here by an Irish Government, not dictated to us by the EU, and of course, that system must be fair, efficient and enforced - a system that upholds human rights, the cohesion of communities and the good of society.

The Europe of the future must be a beacon of freedom and peace. Rightly, the European Union has not been found wanting in standing with the Ukrainian people against Putin's criminal invasion. This same resolve has been shamefully absent when it comes to standing up for the people of Gaza against the slaughter, displacement, starvation and disease inflicted on them by the apartheid State of Israel. The double standards and hypocrisy are clear for all to see. Israel has killed 34,488 Palestinians, including 14,500 children. Now, it carries out air strikes and prepares for a ground attack on the city of Rafah - the place to which hundreds of thousands of Gazans were forcefully displaced in the wake of Israel's initial onslaught. There is nowhere left for them to flee, nowhere left to go. There will be no real evacuation of these Palestinians, no protective corridors, no safe zones. The world knows what will happen to the people of Rafah should Israel launch a ground assault - slaughter, destruction and genocide.

The European Union can no longer stand idly by. A European Union that is true to European values would lead the international community in confronting and holding Israel accountable for its crimes against the people of Gaza and Palestine. In pushing for an immediate and complete ceasefire, the first step must be to cancel the EU-Israel association agreement. The Irish Government must lead the EU by recognising the state of Palestine, as unanimously backed by the Dáil a decade ago, enacting the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill 2018 and joining South Africa's ICJ genocide case against Israel.

The Europe Union we seek is one of genuine partnership, collaboration and solidarity - a Union that is always focused on the uplift of ordinary people, one that is determined to win the race against climate change and realise a renewable energy revolution of which Ireland is at the forefront. This is the vision of Europe in which a united Ireland will finally take its rightful place among the nations of the world.

Now is the time to embrace the empowerment of citizens. Now is the time to reach forward with confidence for a brighter future of equality, prosperity and success. Now is the time for real change in Ireland and across Europe.

It is fitting that these Europe Day statements take place this year just four weeks out from the European elections on Friday, 7 June. Those elections will take place at a time when Ireland and Europe are facing many challenges and I believe these elections will be seen as an opportunity for people to have their say on the change they want in Ireland and in Europe. We have a Government that is out of touch, that does not understand the challenges we are facing, certainly does not have the ideas or the capacity to fix them, and appears incapable, if the Tánaiste's statement is anything to go by, of uttering a single critique of the European Union.

Sinn Féin believes that Ireland's place is in the European Union, but we also believe that the Irish people are best placed to make the decisions that affect them, particularly on issues such as foreign affairs, tax and investment in public services. Sinn Féin is for a European Union that works better for the people of Ireland and the people of Europe. We are for a European Union that supports its member states, listens to what those states need and understands that most decisions are better taken as close to the communities affected by them as possible. It is time for the European Union to focus on what matters to workers and families: the cost of living crisis, improving workers’ wages and conditions, regional development, economic development and, of course, enabling young people to work, study and travel across the EU.

The Common Agricultural Policy, probably the policy that best defines our membership of the EU, has served different purposes over decades, from incentivising food production to the delivery of environmental benefit. However, as its purpose has developed and expanded, its budget has been eroded in real terms with the agreement of Irish Governments. Agriculture will remain a priority for Sinn Féin in Europe, and we will advocate for a reinvigorated CAP to match our ambitions of ensuring food security and delivering for the environment within a framework that will secure the family farm for generations to come.

There are many longer-term challenges, including food security, climate change and migration. On all these issues, the European Union can support sovereign member states or it can exacerbate the challenges we are facing. The focus should be on using our common strengths to respond quickly and effectively to these challenges. EU enlargement cannot be used as an excuse for moving from unanimity to qualified majority voting, to weaken the position of smaller member states such as Ireland or to lessen the support the EU gives to vital sectors. Retaining our voice within the EU has to become a priority. It is certainly a priority for Sinn Féin.

The EU's voice as a vehicle for peace and conflict resolution has been weakened by its failure to speak for those values throughout the ongoing barbaric genocide being perpetrated against the people of Palestine, particularly in Gaza. As we stand in the comfort of this Chamber having left our comfortable homes, we must recognise that as a European state we stand complicit in the horror that continues to unfold in the Middle East. There, too, hundreds of thousands of people have left their homes, but they were forced out decades ago. They were forced into Gaza, long known as the largest open air prison in the world , where they suffered oppression, occupation and economic hardship. Latterly, they suffered a brutal and horrendous blockade and they endured bombardment after bombardment and assault after assault. They watched as more and more of their children were murdered. For years, it seemed that it could not get worse.

Since last October, however, it has become much worse than could ever have been imagined. The people of Gaza have again been forced to leave their homes, not once or twice but, in many instances, six times, and each time to circumstances more depraved than the last. They were the lucky ones. Thirty-five thousand Palestinians, including almost 15,000 children, have been murdered. Genocide is the only term that comes close to describing what we are seeing. The so-called lucky ones have found themselves in the middle of a humanitarian catastrophe in Rafah, where they are denied food, shelter, fresh water and medical aid. It is collective punishment, pure and simple.

All the while, world leaders have failed to respond adequately. That failure has allowed Israel to continue its genocide without consequences. Some world leaders have gone further and actively facilitated the genocide. The continued support of the United States, militarily and financially, to Israel is inexcusable and indefensible, but so too are the actions of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. In offering unconditional support to Israel, she enabled the Israeli actions against Palestinian children, women and men that we have seen. Therein lies our complicity because, when Ursula von der Leyen purported to speak for Europe, she claimed to speak for us. She did not, and does not, speak for the Irish people. When the world should have been imposing sanctions on Israel for its gross violations of international law, the EU was giving Israel a licence to kill, starve and bomb and to break every rule in the international humanitarian rule book.

Now, Israel, as it prepares for the invasion of Rafah, plans its final destruction of Gaza. The people there, some of whom have moved six times, are being told to move again. To where? Nobody can even guess. We know what awaits the people of Rafah if Israel proceeds.

Some 1.4 million people to face annihilation. Half of those who will be killed will be children. International law and the UN charter will be torn to shreds, and all the while we will talk without taking any action because in truth not a single sanction has been imposed by the EU or Ireland on Israel for its actions. It has not paid a single penalty for what it has done. As long as that continues, we will be complicit and the European Union will be complicit. We have lost our voice as a champion for peace, justice and international law. That must change now.

I am proud to have the opportunity to contribute to this debate on behalf of the Labour Party.

Robert Schuman, a Luxembourger by birth and a German by heritage, spent his life contributing to French politics. Like many of his generation, the experience of two world wars that devastated the Continent drove his determination to forge a Europe bound by trust, respect and peace rather than hatred and division. From his initial vision, successive generations have built a European Union which, while far from perfect, has delivered for its citizens. While the founding idea to bind Europe together was driven by the experience of war, destruction and poverty the idea that has delivered most for its citizens has been the progressive ideal of a social Europe, namely a Europe that enhances rights for citizens, a Europe that is committed to economic cohesion and a Europe that is based on tolerance, respect and equality. That is the European ideal that inspires me and my party. We are determined that those values will drive the future of Europe.

The challenges for our planet and our society are global. The mé féin isolationism that dominated our politics in the past and that some in this House want us to return to is a clapped-out anachronism. The world and the Continent have changed. For concerted action on climate we need European solutions. For a humane, rights-based response to migration we need European solutions. For decent living standards and workplace rights we need European solutions. However, Europe stands at a crossroads. Across the Continent, the voices of hatred and fear are on the rise. Here in Ireland, we also have our own mini Nigel Farages and Marine Le Pens. The only way to stand up to this bigotry is to challenge it and to create an alternative, positive vision for Europe. Unfortunately, with the ballot box in one hand and the latest opinion poll in the other, too many people are only too eager to pander to the worst instincts emerging in our politics. Not only is that bad politics, but it will also not work. The challenge for all of who believe in the European Union and who have campaigned and have voted for it is to chart a positive vision for the next decade. That vision should, for instance, ensure that the EU and its financial arm, the European Investment Bank, take a leading role in affordable housing investment, that workers are provided with the skills for the digital and AI-driven economy of the future, that our natural environment is protected and our plant life and wildlife is abundant rather than endangered. We can create this future, but we have to argue, campaign and vote for it.

The European Union is not perfect. It is neither a panacea nor a bogeyman. No democratic institution is. It is a place where serious people can go to tackle issues and problems that are common to us all and bigger than any one of us. The Labour Party is campaigning for Europe not simply to hold people and institutions to account but also to make a difference. We want to contribute to addressing our common challenges, be it climate change, migration issues or workers’ rights.

Europe has aided this island enormously. Our membership of the EU broke our cycle of dependence on the UK. It is where John Hume went to lay the foundation stones of his thinking and our peace process. We have seen what Brexit has done to the politics and economy of our neighbouring island and the damage it has caused here too. We have no room for complacency. The same siren voices that made Brexit possible are beginning to be heard here. They follow from those who belittled, denigrated and lied about the European project for decades. Those who wish to bring chaos know no national boundaries.

One of the existential threats facing our Continent is the brutal, illegal Russian invasion of Ukraine. Every day, Ukrainian men and women are fighting and dying for European values of democracy and freedom. We should be clear that Putin’s war against Ukraine is one of annihilation. There was no provocation and no excuse. The proud people of Ukraine did not become “puppets of another power”, as one MEP from Dublin said. Putin’s apologists in the European Parliament and elsewhere and are lying. His murderous regime denies the right of the Ukrainian people to exist. It denies the right of the Ukrainian people to choose their own future. Putin is terrified of a free, independent Ukraine taking its rightful place among European nations. This is not some quarrel in a faraway country but an existential threat to Europe and especially our European partners in the Baltic states and Poland. This is not Russophobia.

We want to cherish the ties we have fostered that will last for generations, but we also need to be strong in the face of the genocide that is happening on our watch. We need to be strong about having solidarity with nations and solidarity with the Palestinian people. We need a European Union that calls out genocide and that has the courage to break all diplomatic, economic, sporting and cultural ties with Israel. History demands that we and the European Union do this. In 20 years’ time, the Trinity College students will be able to look their children in the eye when many EU leaders will not be able to do so. This human solidarity is key and will drive the future of the European Union. Ireland does not have an opt-out on this, nor should we. Our future is linked to a progressive, tolerant, Europe and I and my party are prepared to fight for that.

Article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union states:

The Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. These values are common to the Member States in a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men prevail.

Any reading of this article clearly highlights the fact the EU is currently under pressure. There is no doubt we are now heading into a very turbulent period for Europe and indeed the wider world. The stark reality is we now face a number of global challenges. I will address some of these later. I will say something about Europe Day itself first.

Tomorrow, 9 May is the anniversary of the 1950 Schuman declaration. It is entirely appropriate we should set aside some time in this House to reflect on the EU and where it is going in the years ahead. The EU is first and foremost a peace project. It has brought decades of peace, prosperity and progress to the Continent following the devastation of the Second World War. We cannot take this peace for granted. In addition, as has been said many times before, the EU has been transformative since our entry to the then EEC in 1973. It has transformed our economy and our social laws as well as the cultural life of the country. We have seen from research published today by European Movement Ireland, having been undertaken by Amárach, that our EU membership has the support of 84% of the people of the Republic of Ireland. Although there is an increase in the number who say that the EU is moving in the wrong direction, we remain a very pro-European country.

What are the challenges facing the EU? The brutal and unlawful invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2020 is at the top of the list. War has returned to the Continent of Europe. This was a dramatic wake-up call for us regarding the threat posed by Vladimir Putin to the peace and security of Europe.

A number of EU states that border the Russian Federation are now under increased threat. That is why it is so important for the EU to continue to support Ukraine for as long as it takes. In addition, the invasion has resulted in a new focus being put on the security and defence of Europe. The debate in this regard is now under way. It is one that Ireland will have to be very conscious of.

It is clear for everyone to see that far-right populism, for want of a better term, is on the rise in the western world. Time does not allow me to analyse the reasons for this, of which there are many, but there is no doubt that this trend threatens our liberal democratic values and the very existence of centrist democracy. Respect for the rule of law is in decline in some member states. It has been said that there are at least some grounds for hope in light of recent political events in Poland. While I welcome the recent decision of the European Commission to drop the rule of law proceedings against Poland following the implementation of new policies by Prime Minister Donald Tusk, evidence of this right-wing populism is all around us. Intolerance is on the rise. Farmers are protesting against measures to tackle climate change under the European Green Deal. The migration issue is now centre stage. Indeed, you would sometimes have to wonder if the centre can, in fact, hold. The obvious problems and concerns faced by the citizens of Europe have to be tackled in a sensible and pragmatic manner. The best chance we have to do this is through co-operation with our fellow EU member states. Only in this way can we ensure the continuation of the peace, prosperity and progress we have fought so hard to achieve.

This is the year of elections across the globe. Next month, 450 million people will elect more than 700 MEPs to the European Parliament. Already we see how the rise of this far-right populism is feeding into the election campaign. It is likely that the new European Parliament and Commission will give greater priority to competition, trade and the general economic development of the EU and less attention to tackling climate change and the biodiversity crisis. Along with migration, security and defence are, as I have already said, moving centre stage. We can meet all these challenges head-on together. It is not a case of tackling one problem at the expense of another. It is not a zero-sum game. This is the way Europe has done it in the past and it must continue to do it in a unified way in the future.

The elections to the European Parliament next month are crucially important given all of the developments we have heard about during the debate so far. In this context, all of us, every voter, must be vigilant as regards the threat of disinformation. Electoral interference by bad-faith actors from domestic or foreign sources is a real concern. There are credible reports coming from the French authorities to the effect that Russia plans to flood Europe with disinformation prior to the European Parliament elections in order to disrupt them. The Electoral Commission and Coimisiún na Meán have a role to play in this regard. There is only so much they can do, however. Ultimately, every individual voter must be aware of this threat and take it on board when deciding how to cast his or her ballot.

We can be thankful that the enlargement of the EU is now firmly back on the EU agenda. I am thinking in particular of the countries of the western Balkans as well as Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. Ireland supports enlargement as a general principle. Membership has been good for us and enlargement is good for the EU as a whole. Applicant countries must certainly meet the Copenhagen criteria but geopolitical considerations in these regions also need to be taken into account. Ireland needs to prepare for enlargement. What is our stance on calls to reform the decision-making process in the EU and on calls for institutional reform and treaty change? How should the multi-annual financial framework be adopted to take into account the needs of the new member states? In this context, I am thinking particularly about changes to the CAP.

It is possible that membership of the EU could increase from 27 states to 35 in the years ahead. Former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern addressed this matter at a meeting of the Joint Committee on European Affairs this morning. I agreed with him when he said that we cannot again have a big bang entry of new member states like we had 20 years ago in 2004. Each country must be considered on a case-by-case basis and admitted by degrees once it has met the basic criteria. In addition, the EU should give those that are well on their way to meeting the eligibility criteria the practical assistance they need to achieve full membership.

As we in this country and those across Europe are all too aware, migration is now a major challenge of our time. It is up there along with the existential crisis of climate change. The EU pact on migration and asylum aims to tackle one aspect of this agenda. In my view, we simply cannot resolve this issue on our own. We need to work with our EU partners in this regard. Britain has tried to do it on its own and we can all see how it is going for them. We are better working together and we certainly cannot tear up the rule book while in the middle of this crisis.

The EU is certainly not perfect. It has its flaws. Its decision-making process is not pretty at times. For example, it is not good as regards foreign policy, as we have seen in its hopeless response to the terrible slaughter taking place in Gaza following the 7 October attacks in Israel. However, it did well in responding to the challenges presented by Brexit, Covid-19 and the Ukraine war. We must continue to press for improvement to tackle any perceived disconnect with the citizen and to ensure the EU does all it can to improve the quality of life of all those who live on this Continent.

As we are debating Europe Day and Ireland's place in the EU, I will take the opportunity to talk about one group for which the experience has been negative, our fishing and coastal communities. The issue relates to how the Common Fisheries Policy has been rolled out, interpreted and enforced in Ireland and how it has repeatedly gone unchanged. A 14-year-old girl has done more than most in recent years to expose the inherent contradictions at the heart of the Common Fisheries Policy that undermine the European Union's core message of fairness. The girl in question is Muireann Kavanagh from Arranmore, an island off the coast of Donegal. For generations, her family has relied on the waters around them to eke out an existence. Muireann fished with hook and line to catch pollock. Using a hook and line is the form of fishing that involves the lowest impact possible. It is the most sustainable method and the fish is therefore really high quality produce. A ban has been introduced and the catch allowed is zero. Even though larger boats can catch pollock as a by-catch when catching other fish, the Government can see no way at all to allow Muireann to continue to fish and insists that it is prevented from allowing her to do so.

Remember, this is a 14-year-old girl who uses a hook and line to fish. One will then see super trawlers off the Arranmore coast hoovering up fish from the sea. It is a matter of public record that the largest such trawlers are owned by the massive Dutch multinational PVP. There is the Margiris, which is 447 ft long, and there is the Annelies Ilena ,which is 472 ft long. The latter is the largest super trawler in the world. It is perfectly legal for them to hoover up fish from our seas on a regular basis, even though they have been found, in the case of the Margiris, guilty of reckless practices in that fish that were not profitable for them in recent times were put aside.

We have a 14-year-old girl with a hook and line who is told she cannot fish and her living is being squeezed. She did not accepted that . She wrote to the Minister for the marine, Deputy McConalogue, and recently she went to Strasbourg and met senior stakeholders there. The particular episode I have just outlined demonstrates the injustice of how the Common Fisheries Policy is implemented. Huge corporations can buy up quota from member states all across the EU and assign these to a couple of boats that can sail out and do whatever they want. However, the young girl to whom I refer cannot use her method of fishing. Anybody can see that that is not a sustainable and fair system.

Of course, the big picture for Irish fishing communities is that we have a 200-mile exclusive economic zone. As a result, the waters from 12 miles off our shores out to 200 miles come under the jurisdiction of the Common Fisheries Policy. The large majority of the fish caught in those waters are caught by other member states. Nobody is arguing that this should not happen or that it all should be just Irish boats. However, they are asking for fairness. If you think about climate change, surely it makes sense that those communities which are closest to those waters would get the first opportunity and sole attachment. That is what the British got. As part of the Brexit deal, it was agreed that they would reclaim a large amount of the fish in their waters. That was accepted. It was on of the main aspects of the EU–UK trade an co-operation agreement. We lost out badly, to the tune of €43 million per annum over five years, as a result of that.

What are the implications of this failure? I am using this opportunity to appeal to our Government to have a plan to challenge the injustices of the Common Fisheries Policy. Base it upon Muireann Kavanagh's story and say that this cannot stand, that it undermines the European project in the eyes of decent people and that what is happening in our waters cannot be sustained. My appeal is that the Government change course, come up with a plan and stand up for our fishing communities.

I agree with the points made by the previous speaker on the Common Fisheries Policy. It has not just decimated fisher communities, it has also created an ecological disaster. It is totally unsustainable.

Having looked at the Amárach Research poll carried out North and South, it is quite remarkable how favourably Irish people look upon the EU. The polling results are quite positive for the EU. This is despite the major bank bail-out of €67 billion imposed on the Irish people after the banking crash of 2008. This caused a great deal of pain. Those of us who have been on the hustings with the social rights sector in particular will quickly realise that much of that low hanging fruit which that was plucked by the Government during the time of austerity has not been reinstated to help communities redevelop their youth services, community-based services, drug addiction services, etc. That is an important point to make. It is interesting to see that the majority believe that Ireland should remain in the European Union. More than half of the sample of people polled think that Europe is going in the right direction. However, it is only half. The other half think it is going in the wrong direction. I could repeat the latter phrase several times. The EU is going in the wrong direction and needs to change direction. I do not think that anyone is screaming to get us out of the European Union. Ireland's status as a member remains high in the minds of people in both the Republic and the North of Ireland. The poll also shows that most people believe it is important to vote in the European elections.

Europe was founded on the statement that it values and respects human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons to belong to minorities, and that these values are common to member states in a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between men and women prevail. It is worth measuring that statement against the current situation.

More than half of the people in both jurisdictions say they are not satisfied with Europe's response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Approximately one third stated that they were satisfied. What we see is the level of approval for the way the EU is handling the Russian invasion of Ukraine is going downwards. More stark is the fact that there is even less approval for the EU's response to the way the Israeli-Gaza conflict, or, should I say, the war by Israel on Gaza, is being handled. Some 64% in the Republic and 72% in the North report being unsatisfied.

In the context of some of the major geopolitical crises of our time, namely the war in Ukraine, migration and the conflict in Gaza, the research highlights the challenges the EU faces in uniting Europe but also in responding to these crises properly. The dissatisfaction with the direction the EU is going in is very high on the question of Palestine. This is because the EU is backing to the hilt Israel's right to so-called self defence when we all know that what is happening is genocide, that this is involves the creation of famine and that it has given rise to butchery and slaughter. It is only getting worse. At the same time, some of Israel's biggest arms suppliers are located in Europe. If it were not steeped in hypocrisy, Europe would impose an immediate arms ban on Israel. It is, however, steeped in hypocrisy. It reeks of that hypocrisy on many fronts.

Take this House as an example. As I mentioned this morning, we have taken no action in respect of Gaza. Students down the road in Trinity College have, after five days of an occupation, forced on the college a divestment policy from its interests relating to Israel. Instead, each day we go into our offices and use Hewlett-Packard equipment. Hewlett-Packard supplies computer hardware to the Israeli army and maintains data centres for the Israeli police. It also has a contract for all of the local authorities, at least any of the ones I know. We are constantly told that procurement rules are governed by the relevant directives of the European Union. How can the Minister of State suggest that we do not have the right to pick and choose who we enter into contracts with and if it is absolutely the case that we cannot break the contract that this House and the local authorities have, using public money, with this provider of machines that visit death upon on the Palestinian people through the actions of the Israeli army?

The other aspect of hypocrisy I want to touch upon briefly relates to climate change. The last time around the European Union had it at the top of its agenda. In the context of its strategic goals for the next five years. climate does not even feature on the agenda. Yet, we know that we are hurtling towards the worst damaging period for the planet and that the Continent is heating up faster than any other part of the world. We need to address the question of the downgrading of climate change in terms of the EU's priorities. Free public transport instead of electric cars would do a great deal for the Continent. If Europe was to pursue each member state to bring in free and frequent public transport, we could really focus on trying to do something about the climate disaster we face.

I want to finish on the question of the EU migration pact. We had a debate on this last week, but what was not debated nearly enough is the breach of the statement that I read out earlier and on the basis of which the EU was founded. As stated, the latter refers to humanitarianism, equality, respect for dignity and respect for minorities. It is being breached left, right and centre by the migration pact, which will basically allow the EU to build a wall against asylum seekers, fund warlords in Libya and extend that model to other third countries, such as Egypt and Tunisia, where people are locked up and kept in detention centres. At this point in Libya, people are being bought and sold as slaves. This is how the world is going backwards under the guise of a progressive EU. Yes, we do need a change in direction.

The EU should stop operating as a cover for the sort of turbo-capitalism it does and start building a Europe that is for people and not for the profit of a tiny few. Poverty is increasing and inequality is increasing. The scandal of migration, the support for Israel, and doing nothing about Palestine is an absolute stain on the record of the EU and impacts the humanity of the people who live within it.

I first want to go back to the statement made in this debate by Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn. I support entirely the statement and the comment in relation to the European Union and the need for a common-sense approach. I do so because I often follow the seafood sector, including John Shine, of Shine's Seafood, which distributes wild Irish tuna. I watch carefully the mapping Mr. Shine puts up on social media of the huge foreign vessels that come within Irish waters, or close to it, to fish to the detriment of our own fishing industry here. That situation needs to be looked at. Mr. Shine's company is an example of an Irish company that has built a great enterprise based on seafood and the distribution of seafood and products throughout the country. Deputy Mac Lochlainn is correct in what he had to say.

I am pro-European but for me I am afraid that the European Union has moved in a way that has gone away from the people. The bureaucracy created in the European Union is frightening. Over the past ten years it has become worse and worse. The examples of this are before us every day. With farming and agriculture, for example, I have never seen anything like the amount of paperwork and bureaucracy farmers have to fill out, particularly small family farms, to suit the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine, which in turn is suiting the European Union. I am aware records must be kept and I know there has to be transparency and accountability, but there also has to be common sense. In that regard, the EU has gone way too far and has not brought the farmers in this country with them. This is in spite of the fact the EU has been good to farmers with grants and so on.

The voices of elected representatives are not being heard in the European Union, and it is more of a bureaucracy and a friendship with the Civil Service here in Ireland that has allowed that train to get ahead of itself. We need to do something about that and 7 June is the first chance people will have. Forget the colour of the candidates or the jerseys they are wearing. I would say to the Irish people to vote for the person they believe will represent them best in Europe, the person who has the ability to represent and the ability to stand up, and who understands how Ireland needs to be protected and represented, and not elect nodding dogs who will just put through the bureaucratic decisions that are being made out there.

We have benefited in trade and commerce as we have an open market and I have seen this at first hand. I have seen how it benefited the sector I was involved in around transport. Companies here are punching way above their weight and getting into huge companies in Europe and beyond. They use the EU as a foothold to get into Asian markets and markets we would never have dreamed of participating in before.

Social enterprise has also been supported by Europe and the LEADER programme is a great example of the European Union at work in delivering at local level and serving communities. That really is what it is all about: serving communities and farming.

I do not know where the EU is going with the green agenda. They are certainly trying to stuff it down our necks here and we are doing more than enough as a small country to deal with that while at the same time ensuring enterprises, whether in trade and commerce or agriculture, are able to be kept afloat in the context of doing business in a common-sense way. Someone needs to have a look at the structure of the European Union in the context of the bureaucracy and the decisions being made that will affect all our lives. We discussed one such decision here last week with the politically exposed persons report that was carried out by the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform and Taoiseach. All of that bureaucracy is coming directly from the EU - every bit of it. Most of it was decided upon or steered through by that bureaucratic structure with a nod given to it by public representatives in the EU. I question the role of public representatives out there that they could not deliberately and consciously influence this regulation that is now being imposed on us. I accept there is a need to deal with the issues contained in the politically exposed persons regulations but there is no common sense to an awful lot of it. The consequences of this are wide-ranging with regard to local and national government and families. This is down to an overreach of bureaucracy. If, as the official said at the committee, everyone is going to be judged by that same standard, then I actually fear for the Irish people and for the freedom of people to do their business in the way they want to do it without being classified as criminals.

Reference was made to foreign policy. I must question this whole issue about Taiwan. I am chairman of the Taiwan-Ireland friendship group. The European Union has an office in Taipei. It is manned by those who want to promote Ireland abroad. There are 24 million people in Taipei, yet Ireland is not represented there. Ireland did have an office but it was closed during the crash in 2008. Germany, France, Italy and a lot of the bigger countries are not only represented there, they have their own offices there. They are trading with Taiwan and are not afraid to say they are trading with Taiwan. Yet here in Ireland one hears about the One China policy. While I observe the One China policy with "Fine, it is there", why should Ireland not stand up with its European partners, open an office in Taipei, and do what they should be doing for the Irish diaspora living there and for the businesses engaged in enterprise through Taiwan into China and on to Asia? There is no political courage in this country to shake off some of the shackles of the European Union and to do the business in an open and transparent way in line with our European partners. There should not be one rule for them and another rule for us. Since the election of the President of Taiwan and the Vice President I have not heard anyone in this House, including our Ministers or our Minister for Foreign Affairs, compliment that democracy on the achievement of electing its own public representatives and its own Government. I have heard nothing about assistance given to Taiwan after the earthquake there recently - nothing. Yet Taiwan gave a significant amount of equipment and personal protective equipment during Covid. It was spread around the country. I acknowledge this here and I acknowledge the very fine work that office is doing here in Ireland.

Migration is now the biggest issue of our day and boy have we made a mess of it. I blame the Minister and I blame the Cabinet. It was the messiest business I have ever seen conducted in this place. It has been done in total secrecy so none of us know what is happening really. We are told that many groups may be coming to different parts of the country but the local community does not know, the county councils do not know and the agencies do not know.

We are causing a huge divide in Irish society by not recognising that this Government was wrong and is now not trusted on the issue. There seems to be no end when it comes to finding a solution to the problems the Government has created. I ask that we pause, look at the structures that are in place, improve them and recognise those who are under pressure in Irish society through the movement of people. It is causing distress and trauma for many. I ask that this be investigated and that local communities would not be forced without consultation to carry a burden that is simply too much for them. Again, this goes back to political courage to do the right thing - protecting our sovereignty and the people we represent while at the same time, honouring to the extent we can our international obligations. It has gone too far. The discussion we had at the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Justice did not mean anything. It was discussed. The only thing that committee can say to this Dáil is that it considered what was before it. I hope the Dáil debate on the issue of migration and the pact will be open, transparent and honest and will recognise that Irish people are willing to assist but they have had enough of not knowing and being kept in the dark.

We are here with statements on Europe Day a day early. I do not think many people in here are proposing that we leave the EU. There are many of us who can talk about the absolute benefits we have seen from the EU. People have described it as the most successful peace process in the world. We know the help it gave our own peace process. We saw the significant solidarity we were shown throughout Brexit and serious infrastructural funding, particularly when this State required it. We know the serious moves it made regarding workers' rights and the advantages of the Single Market.

This, however, does not mean there are no issues with which we must deal. We know the EU has been overly focused on privatisation. We know that if a poll on the EU had taken place during the financial crisis, there would not have been a particularly good result given that the EU left us on our own and all it was worried about was that German money would be paid back, so we must look at the reality across the board.

It is about Europe and it is about domestic governments across Europe recognising the needs of the people. We talk about a swing to the right and populism but what we sometimes fail to deal with is the fact that there are people who are being affected regardless of whether we are talking about poverty, the cost of living crisis, the housing crisis or the health crisis. These are the issues with which we need to deal and we need decision making that happens at a local level. We need to make sure this happens and the EU should facilitate this, but sometimes you can get fed up with the conversations that happen across Europe. I said previously that I attended the Conference on the Future of Europe - I think I said it was like the middle class on tour. We dealt with a significant number of issues that affected people along with the changing world we inhabit but one thing that never came up - obviously something that is not an issue anywhere in Europe - was the issue of working-class communities being affected in particular by drug taking, drug crime, drug violence, drug intimidation and drug addiction. There was no mention of this whatsoever. It can sometimes be the case that there is a disconnect between the domestic level and the European level and this is something with which we need to deal.

An EU that is fit for purpose should be facilitating all of us and dealing with climate change and food security. We also have no problem with regard to co-operation on migration but let us be clear. There always will be a need for states to have control over their own decision making and there always will be a need for bespoke solutions that suit the situation in each state, particularly a state that is now bordered by a non-EU state. I would like the EU to play a positive role in, hopefully, future constitutional change in Ireland but it is difficult to see the EU making those moves until the proper preparatory work is done in this State. That is something that needs to happen.

I would add to the voices of many who have spoken previously, including Deputy Mac Lochlainn, about the Common Fisheries Policy, the fact that we have failed the fishermen of Ireland and many others and the fact that we need to deal with issues facing farmers here. We know the moves that are being made regarding the CAP. We know the serious pressure farmers are under and what they sometimes see as unnecessary bureaucracy.

We have seen the positives and the solidarity. We saw the solidarity that was shown across Europe regarding Ukraine, which was very welcome, but the problem is that, like many other entities across the western world, the EU lost some of its moral compass. When we see what awaits in Rafah, and we know that the bombing has already begun, we are afraid of what Netanyahu intends to unleash. We need to see an independence in foreign policy. We welcome some of what the Irish Government has done but we need to see further moves. We need to see recognition of the state of Palestine. We would like to do this alongside allies or those who see the world in a humanitarian way similar to ourselves. We need to see the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill 2023 in play. I welcome the fact that we have moved, as has Trinity College, because of the actions of students. We have moved in the sense of taking €2.95 million of ISIF money from companies involved in the illegal settlements. That is good to see but there is €4.2 million in respect of which we have not seen any move. We need to see the Bill passed and we need to ensure international pressure is maintained and that we play our part to ensure there is a ceasefire and not a genocidal slaughter in Rafah.

We are asked today to make statements on Europe Day so let me make a statement straight off the bat. Europe is complicit in the genocide that is taking place in Gaza and under that blanket, nothing else matters. When the Tánaiste spoke earlier, in Trumpian fashion, he equated the right and the left and spoke of a collective cynicism about the EU as if those two groups shared the same viewpoints or perspective. It could not be any further from the truth.

To avoid that charge of cynicism to a degree, I will start with the usual tropes I would often offer on a day like this by saying that for many years I have been a proud member of the EU. It was something I held dear as I believe does the generation from which I come. I fully understand that when Ireland joined the EU in 1973, it accelerated it into modernity. I am often reminded of the quote from John McGahern who said that Ireland was in many ways a 19th-century agrarian society right up to the 1980s and then bypassed the 20th century. I equate EU membership with that.

However, the pride I previously took in it has in many ways been desecrated. Today when asked to make a statement on Europe Day, I cannot express anything other than pure revulsion at what I am seeing in the world and at the EU's complicity and that of the most prominent member states in what is happening in Gaza.

As has been and should be said countless times, the EU was born from the pursuit of peace propelled by a refusal to ever again allow fascism to fester. It was born out of a belief that "never again" should mean never again regardless of who for and who against. Now the EU finds itself complicit in the very evils I understood it was born to stamp out.

Spearheading this complicity is Ursula von der Leyen, who is unashamedly partisan in favour of the Israeli state and its crimes against Palestine, a state which, with the attention of all the world on it, is committing genocide and ethnic cleansing and has violated every human rights law and principle imaginable. That was before the enforced apartheid, when it built the world's largest open-air prison in Gaza and the West Bank. Frau von der Leyen has emboldened Benjamin Netanyahu and his fascist government by sweeping their crimes under the rug and very clearly turning a blind eye to their barbarism. If you think that is hyperbole on my part, when I say they turned a blind eye, I note that our Taoiseach, whose rhetoric has been strong, in contrast to our European neighbours, has, along with the Spanish Prime Minister, written to the EU asking a simple question: has Israel, through its crimes and the war it is waging in Gaza, breached Article 2 of the EU Israeli trade agreement? For me this is a very simple question that should have been asked. The Social Democrats were pushing that for a long time. As is my understanding, up to this point, there has not even been a response. When I say they turn a blind eye to all that barbarism, there is all the evidence you need.

The Commission and its President spent many of the early weeks of this genocide referring only to the fact that Israel had a right to defend itself, without ever mentioning its obligations to uphold international human rights law. This is all Frau von der Leyen had to say as the cold-blooded murder of countless innocent Palestinians took place in plain sight. Those countless deaths, combined with international pressure and extreme criticism, has led von der Leyen to call on Israel to simply respect the laws of war - no consequences, though. When Frau von der Leyen uttered those words from one side of her mouth, she kept the other side closed, avoiding pointing out that Israeli authorities are responsible for the mass deaths of civilians in Gaza and that the Israeli state is no better than a band of war criminals. This hypocrisy is wholly characteristic of Frau von der Leyen's term in office. She took a strong stand in favour of justice and accountability - rightfully - for the crimes Russian forces are committing in Ukraine, but has refused to do the same for the shooting, bombings and all-round obliteration of the Palestinian people in Gaza.

Last week at a debate in Maastricht, Frau von der Leyen said it would be completely unacceptable for Israel to attack Rafah, and yet here we are, as the bombs rain down on Rafah. What does the European Union have to say? Will there be consequences? Very clearly there will not be. Under Frau von der Leyen's leadership, the European Union has failed in its founding promise to be a peace project. Yesterday, the newspaper articles and the headlines said that Ursula von der Leyen maintains that the European Union must turbocharge its rearmament process. To that, many of us say to Frau von der Leyen that we have heard that story before. We know where it ends and we know whose lives will be lost. It will be millions of working-class lives led to the slaughter in the name of their cruel version of a Europe that existed not too long ago.

Sharing her complicity is the European People's party, which has shown nothing but tolerance for far-right elements growing in the EU. This normalisation is reflected in the national politics and the culture. The EPP is already governing at national level in alliances with far-right parties in Italy, Finland and Sweden. It is no wonder that under this legitimacy and normalisation that intolerance and fascist rhetoric are growing at an unprecedented rate throughout Europe. We should be hypervigilant to this here in Ireland.

As long as the likes of the EPP hold power in Europe, we will never see the fulfilment of the peace project our Union is meant to embody. How can we celebrate Europe Day when Palestine is being bombed from existence, without any substantial EU resistance beyond EU complicity in terms of the armaments that are being rained down on Gaza? How can we celebrate Europe Day when protests in Germany, in the Irish language or any other language, have simply been banned? Do we not say to Germany, "How dare you? Banning the Irish language and protest in Germany: in whose name?" If Europe is to be anything, it is to be a peace project. If I were to celebrate today, I think I would be betraying that very simple principle and I will not be.

Today, on the eve of Europe Day, of course we look at the positives that Europe has offered Ireland and that Ireland has offered Europe in return. I want to look at something in my brief of further and higher education. This relates to a proposal about research that has come to light and causes me concern. We know how important research is. It looks at planning for the future and how best we can equip ourselves to do so. Previously, there was a huge focus on climate change, and rightly so. Climate change is affecting all of us at this very moment. It is also something we know will increasingly impact our surroundings and is something research needs to be very clearly front and centre in tackling. It seems very clear that we are now on a very different path. We need to be realistic about the path the EU is on right now , which is a road to militarisation. No EU citizens have been given a say on this matter. I want to particularly focus on the White Paper on dual research. Use of the term "dual research" removes the distinction between funding for civil and military research at the EU level. That is what the Commission wants us to focus on. It wants us to focus on dual research. Many among Irish researchers and academics have huge concerns about this. A total of 75% of the submissions on the White Paper came from Ireland, once again highlighting our concerns and those of many within Irish research and academia about this. Ireland does not do military research; we are a neutral country. The mixture of funding for civilian and military together could impact on our future funding as well. Previously, our focus had been on climate change. Surely militarisation and a focus on military research is the antithesis of that.

Everything we say on Europe Day is said in the shadow of the genocide currently unfolding in Gaza. The Minister will recall in October when we clearly heard from Ursula von der Leyen, who told Benjamin Netanyahu that Israel could rely on the EU. The people of Ireland were very clear in their condemnation and concern in that regard. We hear frequently that the EU needs to defend its values, but the EU also needs to look at what exactly those values are. We hear about freedom of speech, but look at what is happening to students across Europe who are speaking out against the genocide in Palestine. We also hear about freedom of the media, which is extremely important and is protected by Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Where is the outrage about the continuing imprisonment of Julian Assange, who we know is facing 175 years in prison? The courts have asked the US to show and to prove that he will not be in harm's way. However, we have seen revelations that show the CIA had made serious plans to kidnap and even to assassinate him. The silence of the EU and Ireland is absolutely deafening when it comes to the human rights of Julian Assange.

European Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, recently called on Europe to turbocharge defence industrial capacity over the next five years. She said Europe cannot be left behind in an era of rearmament. Those words frighten me. I feel like Europe has forgotten the ashes from which it once emerged. It feels as if some in the Commission have forgotten the lessons of history. On a day such as today, Europe Day, we should recall the devastation of the two world wars. Learning the lessons of history is not simply knowing what the victorious powers were or being able to cite how many people died in the First World War and Second World War. Learning the lessons of history is ensuring we never repeat such a thing. We need a Europe that works for peace and promotes diplomacy, but right now, we seem to have a Europe that is veering off course.

I bid the Minister good evening. I am very grateful for the opportunity to make some brief comments to mark Europe Day on behalf of the Regional Group. While Ireland only joined 51 years ago, it is very fair to say that Europe has had a transformative effect on the country from a economic, environmental and societal perspectives. As the previous speaker mentioned, it is very important to remember not only has Europe had a very positive influence and impact on Ireland, but Ireland has also had a very positive and influential impact on Europe. We have enriched the European Union and it has learned a lot from us.

In many ways we have a symbiotic relationship now. We are mutually dependent on each other and this is a very good thing.

It is also worth noting that no two EU countries have ever gone to war. I know we take it for granted now but it was not always the case. If the European Union does nothing else other than prevent the outbreak of conflict in Europe, it has probably done enough. Obviously it is doing far more than that. The European Continent was always synonymous with being the cradle of conflict which transformed the world for all the wrong reasons. It engulfed the world in large conflicts. Now the European Continent is synonymous with being a beacon of stability and prosperity. This is something we should never lose sight of.

I want to single out the success of the Good Friday Agreement. I do not think it would have happened without the support of the European Union. Obviously it was not one of the formal guarantors but if we contrast what is happening in the Middle East with what happened in Northern Ireland, every one of the external actors in Northern Ireland wanted peace, including the US, the Irish, the British and, in particular, the European Union. Not only was the European Union instrumental in the signing and drafting of the Good Friday Agreement but there has also been its support over the past 25 years, in particular in the past five years during the Brexit process.

I also want to focus on the support the European Union has given Ukraine, particularly over the past two years. It is fair to say that were it not for the European Union's political, diplomatic, financial, humanitarian and military support, there would be Russian armour sitting on the Polish border right now and probably further into the Baltics and maybe even the Nordics. If we think we have a problem with forced immigration now, I can only imagine how much worse the situation would be had 40 million Ukrainians been overrun in their home country. We should always be mindful of that.

I particularly welcome the €50 billion allocated to support Ukraine in recent weeks. The reason the European Union is giving the support is self-evident. It is important from a Ukrainian perspective but it is also important from a European perspective. I can say with absolute certainty there is no way that US support would be present for Ukraine were it not for the European support. The US support came as a precondition of European support.

It is also worth mentioning this is the 20th anniversary of the largest enlargement of the European Union, when ten countries joined while Ireland held the Presidency. I remember the day well. It is unthinkable now that Malta, Poland and the Baltic countries were once not part of the European Union. It was almost a seamless transition. It is a classic example of how successful the European Union can be. This leads to my next point on further enlargement. We do have a immigration issue. It is a global phenomenon, with the mass movement of migrants against their wishes in many cases. One of the key solutions to this, and I have heard many of the contributions from other Deputies, is to address the issues in the countries of origin where these people come from. That is the focus. If we can level the playing field and distribute peace and prosperity to the neighbourhood of the European Union, people would be very happy to stay in their own countries, just like Irish people are happy to stay where they are. I very much welcome the fact that Ukraine, Moldova and some of the Balkan countries are candidate countries or are negotiating accession treaties even as we speak. It is very positive. If we bring in more countries, and it is done in a very tapered and managed process, it can only bring benefits to those countries particularly and to the European Union as a whole.

I want to mention the European elections. The European Parliament is an essential institution. The European Commission represents the Union, the Council represents the individual governments and the European Parliament represents the people. It is very important that we select the right people to attend on behalf of Ireland. We have to be very discerning. We know what people stand for, or at least claim to stand for, but we should also ask them what their competencies are, what value they can add and what they can bring to the table. I am very encouraged, and I hope the Minister of State is also, that so far, at least from what I have seen, the debate with regard to the European Parliament elections has been very civil and courteous. That is from what I have seen at least and long may it continue. It has not been as acrimonious as previous elections and I hope this is a good thing that we can look forward to in future.

Is the European Union perfect? Of course not but, despite all of its imperfections, many countries are clamouring to get in. By extension, the European Union must be doing something right. The European Union will never be perfect and nor should it be. It will always be a work in progress. It will always be unfinished. It is up to this generation to do what we can to improve it and pass the baton to the next generation to take it a step further. We are marking 73 years, on balance good years, of the European Union. I very much look forward to an additional 73 at least with further economic and social progress.

On 9 May 1950 the foundation of the European Union was set out in a declaration based on two core principles, namely, peace and solidarity. This is what the European Union was set up to achieve but as each year passes the EU distances itself further and further from these core principles. Peace and solidarity are no longer at the heart of European policy, and selfishness and greed have dominated and have left the EU rotten to its core. The EU can no longer even pretend to live by these principles of peace and solidarity while it sits on its hands and watches Gaza burn. It certainly cannot claim to value peace and solidarity in any way while at the same time allowing EU countries to supply Israel with the arms that are causing such horrific damage and devastating loss of life.

Yesterday Israel launched a major offensive in Rafah, seizing control of a key border crossing and cutting off most aid into the territory. A day before talks on a ceasefire were due to restart, this ground operation in Rafah will be an appalling tragedy. The ongoing military action in such a densely populated area will result in even more civilian casualties and exacerbate an already catastrophic humanitarian crisis, all at the hands of the US and Europe.

We cannot allow this to go on any longer. There are 1.4 million people trapped in Rafah who need our help. These people are already struggling with starvation, disease and a severe lack of medical support. They cannot be made to suffer any longer. Those seeking refuge in Rafah are left with nowhere safe to turn. People are at a complete loss as to what to do after having been displaced multiple times throughout this war. It is imperative that Ireland takes a stand now and we call on our European counterparts who are supplying arms to Israel to stop immediately. This means really taking a stand rather than empty words, which is what we have seen so far.

Europe needs to confront the Israeli Government on the genocide it is causing in Gaza and Israel's constant disregard for international humanitarian law. Europe should be doing everything in its power to immediately stop the assault on Rafah, reopen all aid crossing points, ensure a permanent ceasefire and end arms sales to Israel. This is the very least it could do as an organisation that is supposedly founded on peace and solidarity.

On this Europe day the European Union would do well to revisit its core principles and remember the reasons the Union was established in the first place. The EU was created on the grounds of a post-war European Continent and prided itself on being a peace project. What is the point of this peace project if we cannot advocate for peace in Palestine? How can we in good conscience not only continuously abandon the people of Gaza but actually contribute to their pain and suffering? Words are not enough. We need action. We need to let Europe know that we will not stand idly by any longer. We need to finally and officially recognise the state of Palestine as a strong indicator of Ireland's solidarity with Palestine and its people. The Government needs to do this. It needs to stop its mealy-mouthed pretending that it is doing so and actually do something.

I speak today as a committed European. I deplore what is being said in our name, as a woman, a mother and an Independent TD. I have just looked at the report of the European Ombudsman, Emily O'Reilly. She tells us about soft corruption and the revolving door of officials going out and then becoming lobbyists. What really struck me in addition to this was her comment on the tragedy last year of the Adriana, when 600 people died in the Mediterranean. She spoke about a shrug of the shoulder being the reaction of Europe. This is from the European Ombudsman. It is like immigrants live in a different realm.

EU migration policy has shifted to the point where there are now no proactive maritime search and rescue operations in place. If you choose to attempt to cross the Mediterranean, you are on your own. The reaction to 600 people dying was a shrug of the shoulder. This is in addition to the 29,587 people who have died in the Mediterranean since 2014.

The High Commissioner tells us that Europe is a garden. We have built a garden, he said, and everything outside is a jungle. We are here today for a Europe that put more emphasis on a strategic compass and lost the whole idea of what is a moral compass. They have no idea what morality is. I see a statement in our name from our ambassador, joining in with the other European ambassadors in a joint statement which reiterates what von der Leyen said on 13 October, 2023. They reiterate that rather than learning from it, "We stand in solidarity with Israel." That statement utterly fails to mention the genocidal violence, the starvation. Today, the UN confirmed it is officially famine. There are restrictions on aid, three entrances closed, one reopened today somewhere else. There is targeted killing of journalists, aid workers and almost 40,000 dead, men, women, and children. We stand here today and listen to the Government telling us this is a peace - the Taoiseach and Tánaiste have repeatedly told us it is a peace process. Watching genocide take place in our name, watching another assault by Israel in our name and we are doing nothing, absolutely nothing other than sweet words.

There are many things we could do. The least of what we could do is recognise Palestine. The second thing is to stop the EU trade agreement. The third is to call to stop the arms now, not wait for Europe. Europe is showing no leadership; it is standing in solidarity with Israel. We must stop the arms going to Israel from Europe. They are making a fortune, profit out of the slaughter and genocide of people. Already Deputy Mairéad Farrell referred to the Horizon project. We are blurring all boundaries. From now on, research in the industrial and military sector will be merged with the civilian sector. The officials are fully aware of all of this. We are getting a narrative and a complete blurring of boundaries between war and peace, between research for civilian and research for the military industrial complex.

Then we are told about disinformation from countries. The best way to deal with disinformation from the so-called people on the right is for the Governments to be trustworthy so we can believe them. Let language mean something. That is one of the best ways to deal with disinformation.

I appreciate the Cathaoirleach Gníomhach's forbearance. I was trying to watch the clock and I missed it. On 9 May, the EU celebrates Europe Day. It is the anniversary of the historic Schuman declaration in 1950. This day is a testament to the EU's remarkable achievements in fostering unity and maintaining long-term peace. As we approach the European elections on 6 to 9 June 2024, the European Parliament is extending an invitation to participate in engaging events across Europe. This year, the focus is not just on celebration but also on reflection and dialogue about the future of Europe. Certainly, that is what is so badly needed. So many people are disenfranchised. Hopefully they will come out and cast their votes. A lot of them are very reluctant to even engage or talk about it. They feel there is a major overreach. We have an MEP, Seán Kelly of Fine Gael, telling us that 75% or 80% of the regulations governing us now are made in Europe. It is intolerable, unacceptable and questionable how that could be. They are the words from a Fine Gael MEP. We know it.

People here are being driven into the ground with regulation. We have rules and regulations. Ar an gcéad dul síos I will go back to the bailout. What our European partners did to us was daylight robbery. They forced us to pay almost 6% interest when the IMF gave us money for less than 3%. Where were our friends? Remember they had banks shovelling money in here. Then our Government here, inept as it was, and our officials left them off without even claiming their bonds. That was bad enough. Where was the statesmanship then and the support for colleagues? It was not there.

Since then it has gone from bad to worse. We now have the EU migration pact. We are told it is eight years in gestation in Brussels and at the EU Commission. Here we are expected in this camp to be good nodding boys in Europe, to say we will pass it here in a month, no debate, no scrutiny. In fairness to Europe, they had six different debates and six votes on segments of it. We are going to pass it all in one. We have a Tánaiste ringing over to Brussels. We will not even look for money now. The European resilience fund is there to deal with the migrant situation, we have not even applied for it. We did up to 2021 but since then we have not. The Tánaiste, Taoiseach and others want to go up and say we are the good boys of Europe, we will do whatever you want, we will not even ask for money for it. We will penalise our own people. It is time we had a reflection.

I am sick and tired of listening to Deputies all day here talking about the far right. They are ordinary people that have been pushed too far. They have been pushed and pushed and are trying to make ends meet. Ye are here demonising them, with the media, all the media in unison passing the one thing. It is time that we gave respect and recognition to the ordinary people of Ireland and time we had a major recheck. You have destroyed our fishing and our farming and everything else as well.

Europe Day. Let us hope in the upcoming European elections it will be an Ireland day. It is heavy-heartedly I say this because we have not heard from the people representing us in Europe in five years. They turn up on European election day looking for votes and say, "we are here again." They say they are here to represent Ireland in Europe. Some 70% of the regulations for Ireland come from Europe. Ireland is slowly and surely losing its identity in Europe. That goes back to the representatives we have sent into Europe for decades. As general secretary of Independent Ireland, I am glad to let people know that there are three candidates running for us in the European elections: Niall Boylan here in Dublin, Ciarán Mullooly in the Midlands, and Eddie Punch in Ireland South. That means we have three people who will give a voice for Ireland in Europe. We will get a weekly report back from these people to let us know what is happening in Europe. They will not just turn up like the people who are there at the moment from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, or like the Clare Dalys and Mick Wallaces either, or Ming Flanagan. We have not heard from any of them in years.

The biggest disappointment about Europe Day is that in Europe and in Ireland we punish the people in this country that work. There is no reward for anyone in this country or in Europe that works. Whether you are self-employed and employing people, a tradesperson, whether you are working in a restaurant - no matter where you work in this country there is no reward. The only reward you seem to give to people is if they do not work. If two people work in a home and they try to put their children through school or college, there is no reward for them. They are told they are working, they can afford to pay for it. Yet if they want to get planning permission for a house, they are charged thousands. If you do not work in this country, you can apply for a house and you will get a house from the State for nothing. People in this country who work have no problem working for those who need it and vulnerable people who cannot work. There is no reward in this country for anyone who works and provides for people who cannot work. There is no system giving people an extra tax credit at the end of the year because they are on the bread line, working 40, 50, 60 hours a week trying to make ends meet. They are building their own houses, paying for their own transport. The Government is taxing them on the fuel, 50%, and they are going to work. It is taxing them on food, it is taxing them on the clothes on their back because they are working. There is no reward. How can the Government celebrate Europe Day when it does not celebrate the working person in this country? I hope when the European elections come around that people realise the mistakes they have been making for decades, and that they put independents into Europe where we will finally have a voice and have people who are accountable for the actions in Europe.

It is unclear to me, because I did not have time to check, and this is why I am posing the question, whether the Deputy voted for or against the budget in which we gave not just another tax cut to working families but the third successive tax cut. Cumulatively, these lifted 220,000 working people out of the upper tax bracket. Perhaps, then, if we extend the measure this year we will be able to be confident of the Deputy's support for the budget and yet another tax decrease for working families.

The Deputy should not be so divisive. He should not use Europe Day, which is such an important day, to be so transparently divisive. Europe Day is an important day for Ireland. We joined Europe 50 years ago and we have benefited from it enormously. Yes, there are difficulties and challenges, but Ireland has done extremely well out of its membership of the European Union. We are very proud of our membership and we punch very much above our weight. The Deputy may not have been at all of the different briefings provided by MEPs, but I certainly was at them over time. It has been Irish voices who have shaped Europe in so many different ways historically. These have included Emily O'Reilly, whom Deputy Connolly rightly referred to as a strong advocate for human rights, as well as others.

We had a wide-ranging discussion today and diverse viewpoints were shared. It is important to take the time to reflect on our position in Europe. Frankly, Europe is now facing challenges it has never faced before. I might start with the concept of Europe as a peace project, which many Deputies raised. Deputy Berry highlighted that at no point have two European countries gone to war. He is, of course, right. Today marks 80 years since Victory in Europe Day. The European Union was established as a peace project. We recognise, of course, the tragedy in Yugoslavia, which was a war on this Continent. Deputy Berry is quite right to point out the current very difficult and significant threat to our eastern countries. He also pointed out that Europe is having to have a very different conversation on security and defence.

Deputy Ó Murchú, the Sinn Féin Deputy from County Louth, pointed out the important role Europe played and the support it provided in establishing and supporting the peace process on this island. The Union played an extremely important role in this regard. It is difficult, however, to listen to Deputies from Sinn Féin, including Deputies Mairéad Farrell and McDonald, talk about how Europe is prioritising militarisation over peace and there being a road to militarisation, when that party had a very difficult background coming up to the peace process. I refer to nonsense about running roughshod over Ireland's neutrality when Sinn Féin has had to delete a back catalogue of press releases supporting the Russians and the ongoing collaboration between the Sinn Féin leadership in Belfast and the Nicaraguan Government. These are just ridiculous positions and it is wrong to suggest that Ireland is on a path to militarisation.

Ireland is a neutral country. We are very proud of our military neutrality but we have never been politically neutral. Being militarily neutral does not mean being in a position where we cannot defend ourselves. It is very important that we make changes to the triple lock now. Doing so does not change Ireland's policy of military neutrality. Our current triple lock policy, though, means that Russia and others have a veto over Ireland's sovereignty. I am a very proud European, but first and foremost I am a very proud Irish person. I will not give sovereignty over decisions about the defence of this State to anybody else and I think that is the context in which the triple lock decisions are being made.

The security and defence changes occurring at the moment are a response to the changed facts, namely, the changed geopolitical and security situation the European Union and our colleagues and fellow member states face. It is entirely understandable that security and defence has become one of the top three issues, along with climate and digital, at the top of the EU's political agenda. The European Union is committed to increasing overall defence readiness and capabilities in the context of genuinely rising threats and security challenges. As I said, Ireland is militarily neutral but not politically neutral. We have no plans to alter our policy of military neutrality. The global security context, however, obliges us to take our own security and responsibility towards our like-minded partners much more seriously than we have done in the past. This is reflected in defence spending. Defence remains a national competence, however.

The European Union is actively considering how to bolster our security while at the same time providing more assistance to Ukraine. This includes the recent proposal from the European Commission for a European defence industrial strategy. It aims to stimulate production and joint procurement to allow the EU and Ukraine to further develop their capabilities. From Ireland's perspective, it is important that we engage constructively in these discussions. Our policy of military neutrality does not remove us from the global security environment and neither does it mean we should not work closely with our fellow EU member states to deal with these challenges in the most effective way we can for Ireland.

On Wednesday, 1 May, we marked the 20th anniversary of the Day of Welcomes. This was the day in 2004 when the EU and the then Irish Presidency welcomed ten new member states. We continue to support enlargement. We firmly support enlargement where the countries concerned come towards the values of the European Union rather than risk the values being offered by Russia. We should not forget that the countries that joined in 2004 did so very shortly after their transition to democracy. The European project is a democratic one and we are firmly supportive of further enlargement to bring countries closer to the values of human rights and democracy.

The European Parliament elections, now less than a month away, come at a pivotal moment and in an unprecedented year of elections when half of the world's population will be eligible to vote in electoral contests. This is a very different situation to that pertaining to the previous elections. Those in 2019 came post-Brexit and after the Donald Trump Presidency. Now, these elections come before the election of an American President. The context of these elections, therefore, is very different. For that reason, they take on an unusual significance this year. It is crucially important that there is an honest conversation in Ireland and not one where misinformation and disinformation are disseminated by Deputies here and candidates elsewhere. It is wrong to suggest, as Deputy Carthy did, that the European Union is taking over matters of national competence, such as taxation, public services and foreign and security policy, for example. We will continue to firmly resist this change. It is simply not the case that the EU is taking over these competencies. These are national competencies and remain so. That is at the core of the European project.

We know that certain foreign governments, including Russia, have deliberatively and strategically targeted European societies with false and manipulated information. The objective of this activity, much of it online, is to generate confusion, sow division and fear and undermine trust in government and democratic institutions. It is so important that we do not contribute to furthering this endeavour. Several important initiatives are under way at EU level to combat that activity, including through the new EU toolboxes on hybrid threats and foreign information manipulation and interference, FIMI.

Many Deputies raised the issue of Palestine and Israel. It is extremely important to respond in this regard. Deputy Bríd Smith raised the question of disinvestment. I highlight to her that on 5 April, the Minister for Finance, Deputy Michael McGrath, confirmed the divestment of ISIF funds from investments in certain companies. The divestment decision related to shareholdings with a total value of €2.95 million in six companies. This is an important development. It is also important to say that Ireland's position has been the strongest in Europe in respect of Israel and the recognition of a state of Palestine. The European position has come to the Irish one. Initially, the Irish position was an outlier, in that we were calling for an immediate ceasefire and the provision of humanitarian assistance to be an absolute priority. As we have been saying, we are the people who have been advocating for the recognition of a state of Palestine. It is so important because if we are going to have a two-state solution, then we need to recognise two states.

It is also the Irish position that the trade agreement be reviewed and it was the then Taoiseach, Deputy Varadkar, who wrote to the European Commission back in February to advocate that this be done. We have not had a response to this initiative. The Taoiseach, Deputy Harris, raised the matter again at a meeting of the European Council in April. This came in addition to his support for the state of Palestine more broadly and trying to work for this recognition collectively with other countries. It is the Irish position that there be an urgent review of whether Israel is complying with the obligations under the trade association agreement. It is the Irish position that is being advanced with regard to the state of Palestine. We really are the furthest ahead in this regard. This stance derives entirely from a humanitarian and peace project perspective. This State wishes there to be a peace project in the Middle East in the same way as we have successfully had one on this island. We want to have a humanitarian approach to all questions, as we try to do here at all times. It is not correct to say that Ireland is not advocating in this way or that the Government is somehow behind in this regard. The Government is leading on this issue. I say this out of respect for all the Deputies who have raised this significant and important issue. I also highlight to Deputies that we fully support Palestinian membership of the UN. The General Assembly of the UN will consider this position on 10 May and we expect a large majority of member states to take this position with us.